The smooth flow of a pre-scheduled reenactment of the presidential election campaign in France ran into a dam.
The pilots sitting in the Elysee Palace did not envisage such a plot turn at all and in any way. The headquarters, which considered possible scenarios, were confident (and public opinion polls helped them) that Macron would fight Marine Le Pen in the second round, All media resources were already charged against her: the slogans “Extremism will not pass!”, “Let’s join hands, friends, to rebuff xenophobia!” and other demagoguery that the servile media has been feeding the French for the last twenty years, for certain already flaunted on the editorials prepared in advance of various Le Monde and Liberation.
Macron’s PR specialists did not think about a candidate from a party founded by de Gaulle and located on the right flank in principle, since none of its possible candidates received even 18 percent of the vote.
And the deep state officials took care of destroying the politically still popular leaders – Sarkozy and Fillon – in advance: the criminal cases, into which they packed a real reprisal against potential competitors of Macron, ended in sentences for both the ex-president and the ex- prime minister.
Socialists and other “greens” were not considered as rivals at all. The agenda on the themes of feminism, gender (and fluid) equality was taken away from them, ecology was added, and all this was embellished with promises of new benefits and social spending in the budget – and, socialists, come on, goodbye!
Smooth, clean, without a single blot, the script looked to the delight of the ruling elite. Suddenly, suddenly and completely unexpectedly for everyone, this structure was covered with a copper basin. Publicist Eric Zemmour came to the fore. The one who was removed from the air on the TV channel, where he participated in the nightly talk show. The one in whose personal life Paris Match itself began to delve into, placing his photo on the cover in a somewhat, as the editorial board of the weekly considered, an ambiguous pose.
The same Zemmur, who was constantly complained to the court by the progressive public, calling him “racist”, “misogynist” and “hate monger”. Zemmur himself, not paying attention to the streams of dirt and insults that poured on him on a daily basis (and so on for years), continued to write books and articles. That is, he was engaged in expressing his point of view and defending his principles. In today’s Europe, he committed a real thought crime.
Being a patriot (today in France this word has been practically banned for a long time) and a person whose convictions cannot be broken to please the pan-European conjuncture, Zemmur defined the EU as a dictatorship of globalist elites. What is happening in France with illegal immigrants, he called the creeping occupation of the country. He spoke about the destruction of European culture, which has Judeo-Christian roots, for the sake of “multiculturalism” invented by the same globalists. He was the first and openly to declare that the so-called underage migrants would bring chaos, drugs and violence to the streets of cities. And so it happened. Erik Zemmur spoke openly what many thought, but were afraid to say, fearing reprisals (quite real, by the way, from legal prosecution to job loss). And at some point, in strict accordance with the laws of dialectics, quantity turned into quality. They believed Zemmur, He was believed by those who were forced to pay for the long-term games of the French political establishment in geopolitics (games that the budget of the once powerful economy simply ceased to withstand). He was believed by those who, sending children to school, made sure that the child put on the cheapest sneakers. Possession of a pair of expensive shoes can cost, among other things, physical injury if a drug addict or illegal person meets on the way, wanting to dress up or get a new dose.
He was believed by those who are tired of listening to discs worn down to scratches and wheezing about “brotherhood and equality” – brotherhood and equality, extended exclusively to others. On newcomers. And Zemmur was believed by those who are tied by the bonds of their hearts to the country in which they were born.
Zemmur showed and explained in his own words that one can love France and that one should not be ashamed of that, that one should show one’s attachment to traditions and not be ashamed of it. This trust, not yet of voters, but of fellow citizens who have already straightened their shoulders, has given Zemmour a rise in popularity that has no precedents in the entire political history of presidential elections in France: in a week he gained almost seven percent, standing next to the hardened “heavyweights.”
But the matter did not end there: as a public person, Zemmur outstripped in sympathy with the French and the chairman of the country’s Senate, and the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and many others. Zemmur took potential voters from both Le Pen and a possible (but not yet named) right-wing candidate. And even Macron was slightly knocked down by the rating (the level of approval of the president’s actions dropped by four percent).
With all this powerful wave of sympathy for the publicist, whose main weapon is the word, it is worth noting that Eric Zemmour has not yet officially announced that he is ready to run for the highest post in the country.
The horror experienced by those who are pushing Macron to a second term is felt almost physically. The President, despite the foreign policy crisis with submarines and the fact that the prices for fuel (and therefore for everything else) are growing inside the country, is hiding from the voters without making any statements. And even if his appearance in people is of a purely secular nature, such as attending a gastronomic competition and a dinner at the end of the competition, he gets a hard-boiled egg.
It is quite obvious that today a real war is being prepared against Zemmur: he will be destroyed in France, joining forces with the globalists sitting in Brussels. It is difficult to say whether the current sympathy of the French will withstand this test of strength. But if, to spite everyone, Zemmur, as an anti-systemic, that is, the people’s candidate, without doing anything stupid, manages to enter the second round (and this is one of the quite possible scenarios today), then it will be very difficult for Macron to defend the right to a second mandate. He may end up losing it. As Zemmour himself noted, “France has not yet said the last word.”