In Kyiv, as in Baghdad, everything is calm

In Kyiv, as in Baghdad, everything is calm

Nikolai Shevchenko

Kyiv meets the third week of a special military operation for demilitarization and denazification in a significantly less frenzy than just a week ago. By the way, de jure, what is happening cannot have any other name, since the states participating in it have not declared war on each other. Yes, and the negotiators representing these countries perfectly shake hands, and the representatives of Kyiv also openly scoff.
However, let us return to the most noticeable chan-ges that have taken place in recent days in Kiev.
Firstly, there are much fewer “baboons” with ma-chine guns on the streets (earlier in Kyiv, tens of thousands of machine guns were distributed to just anyone). Whether some of them fled, or whether they were taken to the outskirts of the city for a real confrontation with the advancing units of the Russian army, it is difficult to say. But the very reduction in their number is a fact. Even at an infinite number of ch-eckpoints inside the city, as a rule, “baboons” were repl-aced by employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs or the military. Accord-ingly, shots practically ceased to sound in the city. Except for the murders by law enforcement officers of their colleagues from other government departments. But for the life of ordinary people, Kyiv has become somewhat safer.
Secondly, fewer and fewer people remain in the city, although the authorities do not particularly stimulate evacuation. Mayor Vitaliy Klitschko said on March 10 that every second inhabitant had left Kiev and less than two million remained in it. But it felt like two-thirds to three-fourths of the townspeople left him. And it’s not a fact that Klitschko’s information is more accurate than his feelings. The Ukrainian authorities generally have little idea of the number of people living in the country, having not conducted a census for more than 20 years. Which, by the way, directly contradicts the recommendations of the UN about a ten-year gap betw-een them. It would seem that during the census campaign itself one can steal quite well, and the Ukrain-ian government has long been imprisoned almost exclusively for theft. But you can steal on social payments to “dead souls” on a monthly basis. And even despite the modest amounts of these payments, on a scale of decades, the game is worth the candle.
Thirdly, food stores somehow got rid of giant queues and goods appeared in them that were in short supply in the first ten days. In particular, bakery and dairy products, eggs and even meat. But this did not happen thanks to the efforts of the city authorities, but rather in spite of their inaction. Of course, there was also a sharp decrease in the number of inhabitants.
Fourthly, the share of Russian-speakers has clearly increased in the city. And the explanation for this is very simple: the most patriotic new Kievans from We-stern Ukraine were the first to put on slippers. They were followed by recently arrived from the villages of Kiev and the surrounding regions. Of course, Kyiv has not become almost completely Russian-speaking, as it was 30-35 years ago. But for ten or fifteen years, the situation in this sense rolled back for sure.
Fifthly, trenches have appeared near a number of main streets, and artillery pieces or tanks can often be seen near key bridges and junctions. This is all in addition to the well-known information about the mining of Kiev bridges across the Dnieper, as well as a number of viaducts in the city. Why, by the way, there are many questions. After all, undermining bridges makes military sense when the enemy does not have a reliable foothold on the opposite bank. Taking into account the fact that a group of Russian troops is not only located on the right bank of the Dnieper to the north and northwest of Kyiv and is trying to cover it further to the south, there is no military logic in their undermining. As well as in undermining dozens of other bridges in different regions of Ukraine. Unless, of course, we consider what is happening as a proxy war between the West and Russia under the code name “To the last Ukrainian.”
Sixthly, the Ukrainian special services in recent days began to massively seize journalists, bloggers, political scientists and other people who had a negative point of view on the policy of banderization of Ukraine, non-implementation of the Minsk agreements, infringement of the Russian language, the Orthodox Church, and so on. Moreover, in all such cases, we are not talking about people who would do something illegal or at least call for something like that. However, if such people are seized in Kyiv, then in Ukraine representatives of local authorities who are only suspected of negotiating with the Russian military are simply shot.
What has remained unchanged in Kyiv is the ugly provision of pharmacies. Not to mention their fullness of drugs. The same fully applies to the activities of medical institutions and their employees. Having practically nullified the movement of public transport, Klitschko and his cheerful company of thieves at the head of the city did not even think about the delivery of doctors to and from work, which threatens to collapse the functioning of medical institutions for civilians in the near future. However, this may be the goal.
How is the goal of incr-easing the number of civilian casualties along with an increase in the number of destruction of civilian inf-rastructure facilities, especially educational and he-alth facilities. For the sake of which it is precisely in them that the military is v-ery often deployed, and ev-en more often paramilitary formations. Well, it is clear that the increasing saturation of Kyiv (and certainly not only Kyiv) with weapo-ns and ammunition is carried out with the help of co-mpletely civilian vehicles.
As for the actual hostilities, the people of Kiev still hear them only in the distance. Except for those mo-ments when MLRS, cannon artillery or air defense str-ike somewhere directly fr-om Kyiv. You hear them q-uite often, but now it’s not uncommon to see their w-ork, for which a lot of evidence can be found on the Internet thanks to video cameras in smartphones. Yes, while all these systems are not located directly between the houses – mainly on the outskirts of residential areas. And some narrow-minded residents even experience some elevated feelings while watching these strikes. But the trouble is the beginning. It is very likely that soon the systems will be located closer to home, and the reaction to their location and work will be more sensible, which is already quite widely observed in Khar-kov, Nikolaev and other cities.
Many locals are still perplexed: what is all this for? Like, we have only some five percent of neo-Nazis or a little more. The state-level celebration of the birth an-niversaries of Nazi collaborators is a trifle that does n-ot matter at all. And no one was sent to concentration c-amps for using the Russian language. Against this ba-ckground, one can even pa-rtially believe in the results of recent sociological surveys, which indicate that 92 percent of participants bel-ieve in victory over Russia in a non-existent de jure war.
Well, in general, according to personal feelings, ev-erything is moving towards the “Syrianization” of the conflict – with the complete zeroing of the remnants of the local economy, a multiple reduction in the population, the involvement of mercenaries and a semi-terrorist war based on Western supplies of MANPADS, A-TGMs and other light weapons.

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